Jorge Elorza, the former mayor of Providence and now CEO of Democrats for Education Reform (DFER), joined me to talk about why it’s imperative in his view to support educational choices for families. Jorge talked about his own struggles as a high school student to becoming a law professor. He explained why he thinks that Democrats have lost their way on education reform, the role of governors and other executives in setting a bold education agenda, and the importance of innovations that empower families and bottoms-up solutions, such as education savings accounts and microschools—as well as how the concept of choice aligns with progressive values. The conversation was fascinating—and frankly the only downside to it was some Internet challenges that occurred during it. Despite those interruptions, I think you’ll enjoy the dialogue. I learned from it—and as always, you can read the transcript for anything that’s hard to hear.
Michael Horn:
Welcome to the Future of Education. I'm Michael Horn. And you're joining the show where we are dedicated to creating a world in which all individuals can build their passions, fulfill their potential, and live lives of purpose, which sadly today remains not the case. But we keep working toward it. And to help us think through that, I'm really excited, actually, for this episode because we have Jorge Alorza, who's the CEO of Democrats for Education Reform. When I got into the world of education, DFER was like it. It was something that we paid a lot of attention to, really excited about. And then Jorge, as you'll hear, wrote a series of pieces, actually, that have caught my attention with the ideas expressed in them and given interviews and so forth to that effect that I thought, hey, something interesting is happening here and important that I want to drill into and understand more. So, Jorge, huge thanks for joining me. Welcome.
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah, it's great to be on here. Thank you for having me.
Jorge’s Journey to the Work
Michael Horn:
Yeah, yeah, you bet. So as I started to allude there, there's a lot of substance that I want to get into. But before we go there, I actually want to start with the personal side of your story and namely your own journey and the path to becoming CEO of Democrats for Education Reform. Because I suspect that the path is not one that know from the outside. People would say, oh, yeah, that tracks. You know, law school professor, mayor of Providence, then CEO of dfer. Talk to us about how you see that journey and how it's made sense from your perspective and in your own personal story.
Jorge Elorza:
Thank you, Michael. So, yeah, if I can, of all places, let me start at the beginning. I'm the son of immigrants, and in my household, from my earliest memories, it was always education, education, education. And, you know, I'd love to say, Michael, that I was that kid that always listened to mom and did the right thing, but I was a bit of a dunce, barely graduated from high school. And, you know, one of the most pivotal moments in my life came my high school graduation. So I barely graduated. I found out I was graduating a week and a half before graduation day. And I'm sitting there, all my friends are celebrating with their families. They're going off to school. I had gotten rejected from everywhere that I applied to. My life was going nowhere. And I had one of those moments where I asked myself, what am I doing? You know, my parents had sacrificed so much. I had let sacrifice blow in vain. And I resolved that I was going to do what I could to turn things around. And it was education that turned my life around. I enrolled at community college. That led me. Then I got a scholarship that it got inner city kids into the state school. That's what got me to college. And then from there, I went to law school, and that set me on this track. So education has always been a core part of, like, who I am and what I believe in. And so I practiced for two years as an attorney, and then I became a law professor. I thought I was going to do that for the rest of my life. I was doing the publishing thing. I had gotten tenure, but there was always an itch to keep one foot in the real world. Right. In the world of doing.
Michael Horn:
Yeah.
Jorge Elorza:
And I was literally minding my business when, you know, the opportunity to run for mayor came up. Folks started approaching me, and at first I was not interested at all, and.
Michael Horn:
But then actually pause there for one second, like, why were they tapping you to run for mayor? Because, like, that doesn't just happen unless you're involved in the community and people see something in you. Right.
Jorge Elorza:
I think a lot of different things. You know, my. My background. I also happen to have a very similar profile to the person who was mayor before me. And so people made a connection. And when I started to see the impact you can have to, you know, move the needle in schools, that's when I got really excited. The interest of. Interested in jumping into the race. And so that's what I did. I jumped into the race. And to be honest with you, I had never been involved in politics, so I wasn't sure or I know what I was jumping into. But sometimes you got to shoot your shot, Trust that you'll figure it out as you go. And that's exactly what I did. I got elected, got reelected, and set out to work on a race, including trying to fix our schools here in Providence.
Michael Horn:
Wow. Wow. And then from there, you finished the time as mayor in 2023, I think it is. And, you know, how does the DFER opportunity come about?
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah. So, you know, I got to tell you that when I first became mayor, I can't say that I came into office waving the ed reform flag, because the truth is, I didn't even know what ed reform was. But, you know, my goal was to fix the traditional public schools where 90% of the kids studied. And over time, you know, I. I came to see just the challenges of reforming these large bureaucratic systems. And over time, I came to believe in and embrace alternatives to the traditional system. So that by the time I left office, I was fully waving the ed reform flag and, you know, calling for the entire district to be charterized here in Providence.
Michael Horn:
Wow.
Jorge Elorza:
And so, and so, you know, I transitioned to the mayor's office. I was term limited. And I remember someone sent me the job posting for DFER that I had never heard of. And I mentioned that to my wife who comes from the ed reform world. And when I told her Democrats for Education Reform, she says, what DFER? And her eyes lit out and she said, you have to look into that. You'll love it. And that started the process. I applied and here I am.
Democrats’ School Choice Imperative
Michael Horn:
Amazing. Amazing. All right, so you get there to, you become CEO. And it feels like to me, the landscape in which DFER was operating at the time you became CEO and it's cloud even felt like very different from say, 15 years earlier when my first book had been published, Disrupting Class. How would you describe the environment in which DFER was operating when you became CEO and sort of its place, if you will, in the ecosystem at that time?
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah, it was a different reality. So DFER was created to, of course, always help policymakers policy wise and politically. And so much of how we operated worked on the assumption that Democrats actually wanted to get something done. But when I came into office, I'm sorry, when I took this position, it had been 10 years since there had been any kind of executive Democratic leadership on education. And so in those intervening 10 years, with the exception of Polis, who, you know, I'm the biggest fan of, with the exception of Governor Polis, there was no executive leadership on education on the left. And so, you know, we had state chapter strategy and approach. And I give a lot of credit to the people who ran those chapters within their state houses. They found places of opportunity. But as everyone who does advocacy will tell you, even under the best of circumstances, it's hard to move good policy. But if the executive is not behind it, it's almost impossible to do meaningful change. And so as an organization, we've taken a step back and, you know, we've been engaging much more with executives. Our theory of change today is that executives are the most important policymakers. They are the ones that set the agenda. They provide the policy guidance, they provide the political cover. And we're working with gubernatorial candidates throughout the country, several sitting governors as well. And what we're trying to do is as much as possible, give them political cover where they need it, but also help them see the opportunities both political and policy wise of embracing a strong reform agenda.
Michael Horn:
Yeah, no, it's a really good point. It's the one I hadn't even thought about in terms of the vacuum that had sort of appeared in the Democrats. But you know, compared to 10 years ago. And Governor Polis is a very good example of someone who is still a stalwart, you know, incredible leader obviously on the issue and to trace back to his own professional background right in the space as well. Of course, in that case, I, I want to jump in then to where you've been leading the organization from a policy and, and sort of what do you put in place standpoint. And you've written a few things that I think have turned some heads and, and, and we'll link to one of them in the transcript in the show notes here. It was a piece on the DFER website titled “It's Time for the Left to Come to the School Choice Table.” And I confess as I read it, there were big sections where I felt like I was reading something that I had written before and like I was like sort of feeling a lot of synergy there. And then there were also some arguments around things that I just didn't know anything about before I read it, frankly, in terms of the history of progressives and some of those things with regards to choice. But I would love you, in your own words, to perhaps share the basic argument behind the piece and the thinking behind school choice and aligning Democrats with it more broadly.
This should not feel as though it's what the bad guys want or something that's foreign to our own principles. We stand for choice in so many other spheres. And the reason why I'm a Democrat is because I've always believed that we look out for the little guy. And I've always believed that if you trust the little guy, if you give families at the agency and the ability to make their own decisions, you know what will happen. We'll make good decisions. And so I think choice very much aligned with our fundamental values.
Jorge Elorza:
Absolutely. And before I jump into the piece, I think it's really important to take a step back and you know, this is my assessment of the world in which we live in today. I believe that we are living to a transitional moment of historic significance. And you know, many leading thinkers are sort of converging around the same point that this is a moment of transition. And Republicans have been a lot faster to react to this moment and perhaps have been flat footed maybe the 15 years though after this last election. This idea that I, you know, it's, you know, the, the logic and the assumption of yesterday, we can't assume that they are going to apply tomorrow is, is real. And so I, I truly do believe that tomorrow is going to look different than today. And while I really appreciate that there are organizations and individuals that are trying to preserve some critical aspects of our existing systems, I also believe that it's important for us to look around the bend and start building what comes next. I think that's really fundamental to everything that we're thinking and that we're working on. And so when it comes to choice, we have always told the party that they're out of step with where their base is on choice. And all of the polling data pulls us up. But like Ben Austin recently said, you don't need polling data. It's like it's so intuitively true, right? Of course it is. And what exists today, that never existed in the past was a political imperative for Democrats to approach education differently. So 10 years ago we had a 26 point advantage on education in terms of voter trust, Democrats over Republicans. Today there are a bunch of different polls on it, but we're underwater. It's not a winning issue for us. And so in this new reality, you know, the truth is that with, with, with voting groups that have drifted away from the party, I'm talking about working class, Black and Brown. This is yet another 80/20 issue that Democrats are on the wrong side of. So I believe that there is a political imperative that exists today around embracing forms of choice that just didn't exist in the past. We never paid a political price for it previously. So with all that said, you know, we're out to make the case that, you know, there's nothing to be scared about with choice. And I think it's really important for Dems, you know, forget what Donald Trump wants [...] Let's come up with our own proactive education agenda. And you know, when I think about choice, we're talking about empowering communities, empowering parents. There's nothing more progressive than that. You know, we're talking about bottom up innovation. This isn't just about the demand side of things where you enhance families purchasing power so they can send their child to a private school. It's also the supply side. We're seeing this in places that have well established ESA programs. These rich ecosystems of bottom-up, community-driven, startup-style innovation in the form of microschools, unbundled learning, you know, start to take hold. That's all exciting and those are all things that appeal to left of center sensibilities. And so this should, this should not feel as though it's what the bad guys want or something that's foreign to our own principles. We stand for choice in so many other spheres. And the reason why I'm a Democrat is because I've always believed that we look out for the little guy. And I've always believed that if you trust the little guy, if you give families at the agency and the ability to make their own decisions, you know what will happen. We'll make good decisions. And so I think choice very much aligned with our fundamental values. And I'm excited about, you know, continuing to make the case and connecting with others who feel the same.
Michael Horn:
Yeah, I mean, that notion of trust, agency, and then the ecosystem you're unleashing on the supply side, that, that all resonates with me. I want to come back to it in a moment. You mentioned the politics side of it, which I think is a really interesting point, and it cuts a number of ways. You talked about the, the changing poll numbers for Democrats. You talk about in the red states where they've passed education savings accounts laws that progressives actually, I think, arguably are taking more advantage of microschools than are the conservatives in, in, in, in many cases. Right. And they're really excited about it. You talk about, frankly, what, what I've felt is that in some ways, if Democrats don't embrace choice the way you've just articulated, it could be akin to the Southern strategy that Republicans had In the Nixon era that turned off black and brown voters for several decades. In some ways, like, it could be that sort of big mistake. I'm curious if you see that similarly, or am I overstating things perhaps there?
Today there are a bunch of different polls on it, but we're underwater. It's not a winning issue for us. And so in this new reality, you know, the truth is that with, with, with voting groups that have drifted away from the party, I'm talking about working class, Black and Brown. This is yet another 80/20 issue that Democrats are on the wrong side of. So I believe that there is a political imperative that exists today around embracing forms of choice that just didn't exist in the past.
Jorge Elorza:
So I do believe that Democrats have begun to pay a political price for being out of step with their own base on education policies. And that's something that we have to take seriously. The working class, while the working class, they relied disproportionately on government providing them options to grade schools. And so I mentioned my own family back, my family background, the time I remember. Education, education, education. If we're talking about these communities, these voters that are drifting away. No, they disproportionately care about education. You know, it's only, it's just smart politics to align, you know, to align our policies with what, with what they want. But it's not just political, it's also policy wise. It's hard to make the case that what we've been doing on education is delivering for families. Yeah, I say it all the time. Providence today, if you can believe this, to name Providence, only 2.4% of high school seniors at traditional public schools can do math at grade level, 2.4%. That's indefensible. Every Democrat should be outraged, yet we just don't see the sense of urgency around it. Providence, frankly, is no outlier. The same situation is repeated in city after state. And we just need a different approach. We need new ideas. We can't be afraid of them, particularly when, you know, in my opinion, there's nothing inherently conservative or Republican about choice. In fact, I think it's deeply progressive.
A Full Vision of Choice
Michael Horn:
Yeah. So let's get then into this where you just took it, which I think is right on the substance. Right. Which is, and you really do embrace a full vision of choice. In the article you listen to yes, charters, but education, savings accounts, microschools. And it seems to me it really fits nicely into an abundance agenda that's gaining some steam on the Democratic side at the moment. But also from an innovation perspective, it just seems to me like we're going to be unleashing forms of schooling and reaching students with all sorts of personalization and supports that we can't even imagine at this point. If we, if we continue to follow this down, how do you see it playing itself out and what, what's, you know, what are you most excited about I guess on that menu, if you will, of lots of choices starting to come down the, down the pipeline.
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah. What I'm most excited about is you know, the factory model of schooling, very top down, literally to standardize, not meant to meet the birth and individual needs of every child. And you know, it was designed to efficiently rank and sort and over the years we've just sort of accepted this year after year to the point that it's become unquestioned tradition. But education doesn't have to look that way. It can look very different. It can indeed be bottom up innovation. We don't have to wait for, you know, a bureaucrat and central plumbing to, to innovate and come up with a new idea. Let's open it up so that people can start new and different schools. So this microschool movement, and you're 100% right that most founders of microschools, they're, they're likely Democrats, they're likely, they're likely progressives. And you know, they're designed from the outset to meet particular needs, diverse needs of that community. So I love this idea of being bottom up also inside the classroom. It doesn't have to be one teacher and X number of kids, every child. We don't have to move them along in age based batches like we do on an assembly line. Let's try new approaches in the same way that, that Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson mentioned in their book, you know, in the later chapters they, they stress a great deal about how the left in general we have under an accelerating progress and the only way that you get good at innovation is by innovating and trying and by, and trying and by iterating. And so we've, you know, we have, we have inherited A very sort of stodgy, very rigid system that of course has stagnated. Has stagnated because that's how it was designed. And I'm just so excited about bringing a dynamism to it of innovation, of iteration and, you know, one that is designed from, not to rank and sort and about instruction, but to customize it and personalize it for every child. I can't think of anything more progressive than that.
Michael Horn:
Yeah, you're singing from my playbook when you talk through all this. And I think the iteration point you bring up is a really good point too, because the suppliers that are coming in today, that's not the end state. Right. They can keep getting better and spiraling up. And if we empower families to choose, they can keep pushing them to get better and better and meet their needs and help them make progress as well. I'm curious, like, so that bottoms up energy contrasts in some ways around what used to be the accountability conversation that was more top down. Right. And so I'm just sort of curious like about how you're thinking about accountability and regulations perhaps for different parts of the ecosystem, you know, ESAs and microschools say versus charters versus districts.
Fitting the Pieces Together
Michael Horn:
Because I, I know you're thinking a lot about outcomes and transparency as well as part of your agenda. It's not all innovation. And so like how does this all fit together in your mind? Or do different parts of the system get different types of outcome based regulations or. No. Or just help me learn about how you're thinking about that puzzle.
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah. So this is definitely a challenging space I think that we're all trying to sort through right now. So I think of it in a bifurcated way. I think of accountability with respect to traditional schools. And with traditional schools, accountability means a lot things. It means testing, means data systems, it means holding to the accountable holding students. It means a lot of different things. But when we mean education, I remind that we've been working with governors and gubernatorial candidates throughout the country. And what we stressed is what we'd like to see is just a sense of urgency, right. This idea that low performing schools have been allowed to exist without any push for meaningful reform for years and in some and some occasions for decades. That is unacceptable. And we think that there is a strong appetite, strong thirst among the electorate for someone to come in and just call a spade a spade and show that that sort of like moral indignancy that this is unacceptable and we have to do better. And you know, a lot flows from that. You hire accordingly. You, you know, put them to come up with solutions accordingly. But it really has to come down we to build that and the top source of where accountability for the traditional schools come from. So when it comes to innovative models, I think accountability and the more we sort of box people to various ideas approaches that and put a map and so I think that a really Republican state, frankly that's all slightly different. They're all, no one can say, you know, we have landed exact. But as we advise Democrats, I think it's really important that we look at this through the innovation lens and ask ourselves accountability is certainly important. Let's look at it and the impact that it will have in either stunting or liberating educators ability to innovate in the classroom. Because I think that the steps that are going to transform our traditional schools it comes through it's accountability. And so let's just be conscious that we don't inadvertently stand in the way of the innovations that will lead to the next educational breakthroughs.
Michael Horn:
Yeah, no, and, and in many ways I think to what your point is like true innovation which I define is only when you actually create value for someone. Like if it's just something new, doesn't create value. I don't count it as innovation. That's just stuff. Right. In many ways that actually introduces accountability because it puts that pressure on the system where know families will vote with their feet. I think if it, if it is or isn't serving them and to your point around trusting them, that's a big piece of it. I guess the last question as we start to wrap up here, I'd love you to. So you, you've laid out like a robust set of ideas around the ecosystem we ought to build. And then in the beginning you talked about the political side of it, the politics of, of empowering executives and helping them buy into it and be champions for this. So maybe connect the, the strands now, right. Like this innovation agenda. The executives and the governors throughout the states. How do you start to empower them to make this their vision, give them the air cover they need to start advancing this and, and hopefully frankly like get some ESA laws and some microschools going in some blue states and make it, you know, not just not toxic but like politically exciting to do it.
Jorge Elorza:
Yeah, yeah. So a lot of different ideas and thoughts there. The first is that, you know, we've been, you know, there's going to be 38 gubernatorial elections in the next 15 months. And so we've been reaching out to gubernatorial candidates, building relationships, getting to know them and what we're noticing is that there's a new generation of Democrats that are lining up to run for governor. And more and more we're seeing that they want to lead on education, literally don't know what to do. This is not enough on them. It's really, there's really a function of our party not prioritizing it or thinking deeply about it over the last 10 years. And so there's a void and as much as possible where we're trying to fill that void, we do the outreach. You got to establish trust, build relationships, all of that human stuff. And as you go, not only provide policy guidance and messaging guidance, but also as much as possible, help them see a world of opportunities that comes out of this. And I think that the real sort of transformational, exciting opportunities don't come at the, you know, this policy or that policy level. They come at the, at the systems level. Can we imagine a different system and how do we shape that system to, to advance our priorities? Last thing that I'll say is I think this is really key. Key. You know, we believe in public education. Public education is a, not a particular set of institutions. I think that too many people on the left confuse the two or confuse means for ends. Public schools are one of the means that will help to create an educated populace. There's just no evidence and no, you know, there's a credible case that can be made that you can only create an educated populace through this mechanism. You know, we should be open. This is an abundance approach, you know, outcomes, orientation to whatever means help us accomplish that, that goal of having an educated public. And more and more we, you know, we want not just governors and executives, but our party to see it that way. That you know, education is a goal that we can all. Public education is a goal that we all should all be behind. But the means and how we accomplish that goal, we should be open to whatever moves the needle for kids.
Michael Horn:
Amen. You have me so excited, I can't tell you. I would love to be helpful as you continue this forward. And I'll end with a quote that you had in your piece which was Americans are looking for something different. And yet our education policy has been dominated by establishment thinking. More money to do more of the same, top down mandates, centralized bureaucracy, and insider political alliances that disregard the interests of families, educators and communities. This has to change. I think those were really good words, Jorge. So appreciate the work that you're doing and the passion that you're bringing to it and, and just I, I hope you'll keep us posted as you continue to do the good work across the country.
Jorge Elorza:
Thank you, Michael. Appreciate you.
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